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American-Russian relations: from confrontation to alliance
Last updated: 9 September 2010

::Face of the day

Sergei KARAGANOV
head of the Foreign and Defense Policy Council of Russia

Ukraine , like every other nation, has the right to join any alliance it wishes to. But elites sometimes tend to be irrational, or even suicidal. A new artificial "arc of instability" along the Russian-Ukrainian frontier will revive a farcical version of the old bloc rivalry, scrapping the very idea of a union of great nations addressing new challenges - including radical Islamic terrorism.   This new farce will end in lose-lose for many and win-win for those few longing for destabilization and weapons of mass destruction - terrorists and radicals, the very community that civilized and developed nations so vocally claim to be fighting against.   If part of that community makes the misguided step of granting NATO membership to Ukraine , at least one comfort will be that we will finally find out who among them should not be referred to as genuinely civilized and reasonable.


Edward LOZANSKY
President, American University in Moscow

When the U.S. Congress passed the «Captive Nations Resolution» (PL 86-90) on July 17, 1959 , it prescribed the President of the United States to publish a Proclamation concerned with those Captive Nations every year during the third week of July. The time is upon us now. That Law, contrary to historic facts, accuses the Russian people of «enslaving» all those other sovereign nations, like Latvia , Estonia , Czechoslovakia , and many others, total number around 30.   By placing the blame upon «Russian Communism» and «Communist Russia,» the Law completely disregards the fact that the Russians were also among those ethnic groups enslaved by International Communism.


Nikolas GVOSDEV
editor, "The National Interest"

Russian commentators are nearly unanimous in their assessment that the summit marked Russia 's full return to the rank of the "leading countries" of the world. One sentiment expressed to me was that Putin's performance as G-8 host effectively banished the last ghosts of the Yeltsin era, especially the images of the sickly president humbly accepting the "diktat" of the West in return for the privilege of being seen in the company of then-G-7 leaders. Even the failure to reach an agreement with the United States over Russia 's entry into the World Trade Organization was spun as a courageous defense of national interests and a sign that Putin, unlike Yeltsin, is not so desperate for approval that he is prepared to acquiesce to all American demands. Most Russians also feel that any lingering doubts about the inclusion of Russia in the G-8 have been put to rest.


Sir Roderic LYNE
former British ambassador to Russia

Speaking to Russia's ambassadors two weeks ago, President Vladimir Putin protested that "some still see us through the prism of past prejudices and see a strong and reinvigorated Russia as a threat." Should the West see a reinvigorated Russia - a self-proclaimed "energy superpower" - as a threat? We need to understand what is happening beneath the surface. The next two years, through the 2008 presidential election, will be bumpy. Thereafter, the Russian people are going to need to decide what sort of a future they want for their country. Outsiders cannot dictate that choice. But we can have a positive influence if we are patient; if we show understanding; if we stand firmly by our norms and principles and avoid the overblown rhetoric of "strategic partnerships" based on common values which do not yet exist; if we offer inclusion, so long as rules are respected, rather than exclusion, and if we continue to engage with as wide a range as possible of the elements working for the modernization of Russia.


Grigory YAVLINSKY
economist, is the founder of the liberal Yabloko Party in Russia

Much of the discussion in advance of the G8 summit meeting, in Russia as in the West, has focused on the secondary issue of whether Russia is worthy of a place among the "old" democracies. For the leaders coming to Russia , this diversion is a source of well-concealed satisfaction. It's much easier than answering questions about issues for which they don't have answers. The most important thing Europe and the United States could do would be to work out a strategic vision of the future, including a long-term program of strategic cooperation with Russia. Until recently, the goal which determined the political life of Europe was a united Europe. This was achieved with the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, and this "end of strategy" - not the "end of history" - lies at the heart of the crisis of the European Union. Europe needs a new strategy now - and not just for Russia . It needs a long-term plan, a vision of where Europe needs to go and how to get there.


Dr. Patricia THOMPSON
professor at Lehman College of the City University of New York, daughter of Russian poet Vladimir V. Mayakovsky

As the Group of Eight meets in St. Petersburg, Russia, it is hard to find any positive perspectives on Russia in the American press. As a Russian-American, I have long been perplexed by the lack of insight Americans have for Russians' dilemma. The long-standing U.S. policy of engaging Russia can work in the best interests of the West and of Russia . Our interests are complementary, and Russia stands as a potential collaborator in the desire for a stable and predictable world economy. Let's stop asking Russians, and President Putin, to dance to our tune. If we do, both of us can prosper and flourish.


Vitaly PORTNIKOV
Radio Liberty commentator
Ukrainian politics has returned to the carnival days of the controversial 2004 presidential elections. Deputies are fighting in parliament, blowing horns, and tearing each other's expensive shirts and jackets. The Ukrainian parliament has again become one big protest site. For how long? Having failed to obtain the power that was almost within reach, pro-presidential Our Ukraine and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc are using such unacceptable political tools as fighting in parliament and staging public demonstrations in front of the parliament building. During the last period of President Leonid Kuchma's rule, when power was there for the taking but the majority of people looked down on it, such carnivals of anarchy could and did bring results, notably during the 2004 elections. But now the Orange have to stand up against political forces that are supported in the southeastern parts of the country, where the Orange have no weight whatsoever.

Edward LOZANSKY
President, American University in Moscow

PRESIDENTS George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin will meet in Russia this month, first for face-to-face sessions and then at the G8 Summit in St. Petersburg. Lately, a debate has erupted over how US-Russian relations, so promising a few years ago, have reached a state of mutual wariness and mistrust. With the upcoming summit and changing relations as backdrop, I solicited opinions from college students at the most prestigious Russian universities affiliated with the American University in Moscow . So it seems an appropriate time to check whether students think that rhythm is, in fact, changing and, if so, how. The students I spoke to belong to the most pro-Western section of Russian society. Their views are from some of Russia 's most dedicated friends of America , and there is much we can learn from them.


William Joseph BURNS
Ambassador of the United States of America to the Russian Federation

I would say that President Bush attaches a great deal of importance to the G8 summit in St Petersburg. He looks forward very much to coming, and he is determined to do everything he can to help make this a success. The formal agenda items for the summit - energy security, health and education - are extremely important not only for Russia and the United States but for all the members of the G8 and the entire international community. And we look forward very much to using the St Petersburg summit to make progress in each of those areas. And it is also a very good opportunity to discuss other issues of immediate importance, whether Iran or North Korea, as is natural at G8 summits.


Edward LOZANSKY
President, American University in Moscow

As a US citizen, I would advise my own government to focus on making the summit a success and on discussing the most important issues of cooperation among the G8 countries in full accordance with the approved agenda. I am a little worried by the rumors that some high-ranking US officials, such as Daniel Fried of the State Department, intend to speak at the forum to be held by the opposition. If so, the White House appears to be making a bad mistake. Even back in Soviet times, when the United Stated and the USSR were sworn enemies, American government officials did not appear at such parallel conferences, leaving that to private individuals. Whereas now that Russia and America are certainly friends and partners if not exactly allies, this kind of involvement by the State Department or any other government agency is unethical to say the least, and speaking for oneself, it is totally inadmissible.

David E. Hoffman

The new strategic arms treaty with Russia is a gift for Republicans, not as a political weapon against President Barack Obama, but as the fruit of their own labors. The treaty is a logical, modest step down the long road of strategic nuclear arms control, led by Republicans from Richard Nixon to Ronald Reagan. In all those years of the Cold War, whether by détente or confrontation, they sought to restrain an existential threat and create rules and stability in a world of mistrust and uncertainty. The new treaty goes further toward those goals than the hawks of yesteryear could have ever imagined. Republicans ought to vote for ratification and tell voters they fulfilled Reagan's greatest wish, to lock in lower levels of the most dangerous weapons on Earth. Reagan often talked about "peace through strength," and this treaty measures up to the slogan.

Dmitry Babich

Russia and the United States can now close the book on the recent spy scandal, one that has provided ample fodder to journalists and bloggers on both sides of the Atlantic, who have ridiculed this farcical cloak and dagger tale.

What else can you do with a story involving disappearing ink and buried suitcases filled with money in the age of e-mail and wire transfers?

Russian secret agent Mikhail Semenko was just talking to himself while sending a report to Moscow, unaware that he had been bugged by U.S. law enforcement — a scene reminiscent not so much of the spy stories by Le Carre as the plays of Shakespeare, in which villains are in the habit of thinking out loud.

All told, Russia's big producers have invested more than $3 billion in U.S. operations in the past three years. Last November, Evraz Holding, Russia's largest steelmaker, acquired U.S. rail and plate producer Oregon Steel for $2.3 billion. In 2004, SeverStal, Russia's No. 2 player, plunked down $285 million for Rouge Industries Inc., a bankrupt producer in Dearborn, Mich. SeverStal is also an 80% shareholder in SeverCorr.
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